by Irfan Al-Alawi | Hudson-NY.org | July 18, 2011
July 13, 2011: Terror struck Mumbai again when Back-to-back IEDs exploded at Zaveri Bazar, Opera House and Dadar in the space of a few minutes from 6.45 PM .Explosions came two days after the fifth anniversary of the Mumbai serial train blasts in which 186 persons were killed.
Once again, terror has struck the metropolis of Mumbai, India's leading commercial center. In a repetition of the homicidal assault on the city in December 2008, three coordinated bombings on Wednesday killed 18 people and injured 133, according to the latest report. The main blast erupted at the city's southerly jewelry market, which features a large diamond trade. Secondary assaults took place at Zaveri Bazaar, where gold bullion is sold, and Dadar, a shopping area where stores are owned by Muslims as well as Hindus. All three took place during early evening rush-hour traffic, when the jewelry and gold markets are typically crowded with customers.
Zaveri Bazaar was similarly hit by terror bombs in 1993 and 2003, while Dadar is near a train station that was one of several rail terminals attacked in 2006. The wider district was the targeted location for the 2008 attacks.
Noting that the victims included gem and precious-metal traders, some Indian media speculated that the bombs, which are believed to have been improvised explosive devices (IEDs) carried by an automobile and at least one person on a motorbike, were planted at the order of India's criminal underworld. A fourth IED was located in Mumbai, but did not explode.
The Indian government has imposed a high alert against terrorism. Indian public opinion and many moderate Muslims cannot avoid speculating that, as in the 2008 attack, Pakistan and its powerful radical Islamist ideological networks stand behind the carnage.
Mumbai police blame the latest horror on the "Indian Mujahidin," one of several terror entities supported from Pakistan. As became known throughout the world, Pakistani extremism benefits from subsidies from the commanding sectors of the country's military, particularly their Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI).
South Asian Muslim extremism – beginning with the Deobandi sect that inspires the Afghan and Pakistan Taliban, and including the jihadist Jamaat-e Islami (JI), founded by the radical theoretician Abu'l Ala Mawdudi, and its many satellite organizations, factions, and grouplets – has made clear that its ambitions are not limited to the mountain fastnesses of Afghanistan or the teeming cities of Pakistan. The violence of the Taliban is more than an expression of the Pashtun ethnic claims, as is mistakenly assumed by foreign observers.
Pakistani radicals have recently conducted a sustained campaign of terror and penetration, extending as far as Bangladesh. Their weapons have included violence against spiritual Sufis; Shia Muslims, whom they accuse of apostasy from Islam; anti-radical Sunni Muslims, and secular citizens. Earlier this year, in Pune, east of Mumbai, a bombing that killed more than a dozen people and injured scores, was blamed on Pakistani fanatics.
The radical Islamist offensive against India began in earnest in 2007 with a murderous attack on the Ajmer Sharif shrine, the mausoleum of the most famous Indian Sufi saint, Moinuddin Chisti, who lived in the 12th and 13th centuries. In that feint across the border of Pakistan, two people were killed and 20 were injured. The Ajmer Sharif incident was the most daring such act in a series of outrages against Sufi institutions in southwest Asia.
In Bangladesh, once known as East Pakistan, Islamist extremism has been the object of significant suspicion and fear since the country won its sovereignty in 1971. JI cadres, driven by the fundamentalism of Mawdudi and his vision of an "Islamic state," were involved in massacres and other crimes during the Bangladesh independence war; the Islamabad regime still harbors resentment of India for having intervened to assist Bangladesh. Pakistani Muslims often appear united - aside from their sectarian and doctrinal differences - in blaming New Delhi for Pakistan's separation from Bangladesh, even though the citizens of former West and East Pakistan had only religion in common. Pakistani and Bangladeshi Muslims are distinguished from one another by culture, language, traditions, and even different alphabets.
Deobandi fundamentalists, having brought the Taliban to life at the western extreme of South Asia, have embarked on a program of infiltration in Bangladesh through the activism of the "Tabligh-i Jama'at" movement, which captures millions of young believers with its campaigns of preaching and mass participation. Bangladesh, with its popular dedication to Sufism, and its securely democratic political institutions - that includes a woman prime minister, Shaykha Hasina Wajed - has, at 160 million, a population almost as large as Pakistan's 190 million, and could lead South Asia's Muslims.
But Islamabad, however, is jealous of its prerogatives as the "recognized" Muslim power in the region. Its animosity toward India is also fed by long-standing rivalry for control of Kashmir. The once-paradisiacal northern region, now partitioned between Pakistan and India, has been the pretext and training ground for Pakistani and foreign jihadists. South Asian and other radicals recruited in, and blooded in, Kashmir participated in defending the Taliban regime in Afghanistan in 2001, and were then "re-assigned" to Kashmir. More recently, they returned to combat in Afghanistan and Pakistan. The dreaded - and unfortunately efficient - terrorist network, known as "Lashkar-e-Taiba" or "Army of the Righteous," is an ally of al-Qaeda. It was responsible for the 2008 Mumbai bloodshed, and treats Kashmir as its home and hearth, nesting there with the complicity of Islamabad authorities between its sorties into Afghanistan and the main territories of Pakistan and India.
The permanently festering Pakistani grievance over Kashmir has other ramifications. Indian strategists worry that China is furthering the goal of Pakistan's extremists to dominate the subcontinent. Chinese troops have been reportedly patrolling Kashmir as Pakistan allocates its military resources to the conflict in Afghanistan - a "shadow war" in which the real intentions of Pakistan are seldom revealed.
It is no secret that both Pakistan and India possess nuclear weapons, and that the Pakistani atomic physicist, Abdul Qadeer Khan, handed over military technology to Iran, North Korea, and Libya. If, therefore, one counts China and North Korea and Pakistan as members of a nuclear alliance, India faces three nuclear-armed opponents.
While Islamabad politicians insistently accuse India of attempting to "encircle" Pakistan by influencing the Afghan government, in the wider sphere, Pakistan and China have already established an atomically-armed 'ring of fire' around India.
Indian Muslims, who have embraced, in their majority, cooperation with their non-Muslim fellow-citizens, are also threatened by Pakistani radicalism. The bombings in Mumbai most certainly took the lives of Muslims as well as Hindus and others.
Finally, for Muslims in the United Kingdom, the latest onslaught of violence in Mumbai once again points to the role of extremist ideology among South Asian Muslim immigrants and their offspring.
South Asians make up the overwhelming majority of British Muslims; and the Deobandi and Saudi-financed Wahhabi sects, along with other jihadi groups, are fighting hard for control over the community. The traditional, Sufi-oriented Islam of the Barelvi sect - which is culturally conservative but anti-radical - has been challenged in mosques across England by Deobandi, Wahhabi, and jamaati preachers. Bangladeshi Muslims in the UK have also proven more susceptible to Islamist ideology than their relatives in Bangladesh itself.
The latest gruesome news from Mumbai underscores the dangers to the region - and the world - posed by the Pakistani romance with radicalism. Unfortunately, moderate, traditional Muslims, Pakistani and Indian politicians, and anti-jihadist religious leaders in the subcontinent – as well as South Asian immigrants in the West - have proven long on complaint but short on practical action to obstruct the extremist invasion. It is doubtful that this incident will be the last of its kind.
Source: http://www.hudson-ny.org/2272/mumbai-terror
Gates Turns Off The Lights
by Frank Gaffney, Jr. | CenterForSecurityPolicy.org | May 30, 2011
I have been in Washington now for nearly forty years and, in all that time, I can't recall seeing anything quite like Robert Gates' ongoing farewell to arms.
In a series of speeches over the past few days - at Notre Dame, at the American Enterprise Institute and at the Naval Academy - the outgoing Secretary of Defense has sounded a series of warnings that the ship of state, or at least the carrier battle group that protects it, is headed for the rocks.
That is surely so. But, welcome as his alarm is, the course is one Mr. Gates has largely charted himself. Of late, President Obama has simply ordered "full steam ahead," with encouragement from some in both parties on Capitol Hill.
Secretary Gates has particularly warned against a "hollowing out" of the military, a not-so-implicit criticism of the $400 billion Mr. Obama has announced that he intends to cut from Pentagon accounts. This reduction would come on top of the roughly $178 billion already being excised by the Gates team.
In so doing, Mr. Gates recalls the mistake made twice during my decades in this town - first by Presidents Ford and Carter, then by Presidents Bush '41 and Clinton: Yielding to the ever-present-temptation to meet contemporary budgetary exigencies by cutting the nation's investment in its armed forces, leaving them without the modern equipment, realistic training, adequately sized forces, up-to-date facilities and development of the future technologies needed to deter and, if deterrence fails, to prevail in tomorrow's wars.
It took an immensely expensive buildup under Ronald Reagan to rectify the first of these perilous mistakes. Thanks in part to the Gates legacy, the second has still not been remedied. The effect has been to condemn the armed services - currently in the midst of three far-flung military campaigns - to an unwise and unsustainable reliance for the foreseeable future on obsolescing tanks, ships, aircraft and missiles purchased during the Reagan years (if not before).
A couple of examples illustrate the problem we already have, let alone what will come if President Obama has his way:
In his recent speeches, Secretary Gates has emphasized the need to modernize the military's various air forces with the F-35, a "stealthy" fifth-generation aircraft that has run into production delays and increased costs. The risks associated with the attendant slowing-down of deliveries of this plane have been greatly compounded by Mr. Gates' insistence on the premature shutting down of the production line for the far more capable F-22 - one of 30 Pentagon modernization programs he has eviscerated.
The effect of falling for the old bird-in-the-bush gambit was predictable (and predicted): They are never as good, cheap or readily available as we are told they will be. Worse yet, as the Washington Times' Bill Gertz reported in his "Inside the Ring" column last week, senior officers are now warning that, as a result, we are ominously ill-prepared to contend with growing challenges to our historic air superiority from Communist China.
Mr. Gates says President Obama's projected cuts will preclude the modernization of two legs of our strategic "Triad." For those who share the Commander-in-Chief's zeal for the U.S. leading the way to "a world without nuclear weapons," the accelerating atrophying of our land-based missile and bomber forces is not only of no concern; it is a desirable thing. For the rest of us who worry about the wisdom of America being the only nuclear power (actual or wannabe) that is systematically engaged in denuclearization, however, the prospect of a future strategic "Monad" is alarming.
The Defense Secretary is rightly concerned about the ability of an all-volunteer force to continue to maintain the operational tempos that have characterized the past decade. Regrettably, the military may confront no-less-daunting requirements in the next decade, too, especially if enemy perceptions that the United States "lost" Iraq and/or Afghanistan translate into expensive new conflicts. Cut the numbers of troops in the Army and Marines, cut their pay andbenefits - both of which Mr. Gates says are in prospect if the President has his way with the Pentagon budget - and that problem becomes infinitely worse.
That could be the effect, as well, if Mr. Gates and outgoing Joint Chiefs Chairman Admiral Michael Mullen certify before leaving office that the military is ready to accept avowed homosexuals. Both have pushed hard for this top Obama agenda item; both know the President wants to get this done in time for June's Lesbian-Gay-Bisexual-Transgender Month festivities.
Yet, both men must appreciate that their successors should be allowed to take a fresh, hard look at the impact this action will actually have on readiness, unit cohesion and retention. Such would be the case especially if that it proves to be as bad as careful analysis of the data predicts - particularly among the combat arms. In that event, the contribution made during Mr. Gates' tenure at the Pentagon to the hollowing-out of the armed forces will be even more severe.
Mr. Gates' warnings about the Obama agenda are indeed welcome. One can only wish he had done less to enable it to date, and pray that he does not make matters worse still before leaving office four weeks from now.
Frank J. Gaffney, Jr. is President of the Center for Security Policy (www.SecureFreedom.org), a columnist for the Washington Times and host of the nationally syndicated program, Secure Freedom Radio, heard in Washington weeknights at 9:00 p.m. on WRC 1260 AM.
Source: http://www.centerforsecuritypolicy.org/p18734.xml
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